This is an article by Le Méridional click the link to read the original article in french.
Mohamed Ag Ahmedou, a Tuareg from Mali, is in exile.
His family, massacred by Wagner Group paramilitary militias (Africa Corps) and Turkish drones used by the Malian army, along with many other Tuareg, Arabs and Fulani living in central and northern Mali, forced him to leave.
A journalist, writer, and contributor to numerous articles in print media and international academic journals, he chose to continue his struggle in the political arena:
Today, he is President of the Citizens’ Assembly of the Civil Transition of Mali in Exile, where he previously served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister of the “Malian Government in Exile,” a structure supported by the diaspora to remind everyone that another Mali is possible.
In Paris, he embodies a unique voice: that of a man torn between loyalty to France, where he lives, and a deep-rooted attachment to his people, the Tuareg. This nomadic people, scattered across five Sahelian states, has been struggling for over a century for its cultural and political survival.
With his Kel Tamashea association project, Mohamed is not advocating for the hypothetical independence of Azawad; he wants to build a peaceful citizenship that respects identities. In particular, he seeks to connect the Tuareg people, this desert people who move like the wind across the dunes, weaving paths of freedom in the sand, between the memory of the stars and the music of the caravans. Mohamed’s journey is that of a survivor turned bridge, between memory and the future.
It is in a Parisian bistro, a stone’s throw from the Montparnasse train station, that Mohamed Ag Ahmedou arranges to meet me. He pushes open the doors of the Parisian brasserie, dressed in traditional Tuareg attire, under the bewildered gazes of the regulars and Korean tourists. His figure is both dignified and timeless.
For a second, I feel as if a Fremen escaped from Dune has just arrived—turban, bearing, and the gaze of a nomad.
He extends his hand with quiet firmness, and his first words are of respect and brotherhood. The man who sits across from me is not just a political exile: he is a survivor, a guide, a witness to a people at the crossroads of deserts and history.
A refugee in France after losing loved ones in the violence in northern Mali, Mohamed Ag Ahmedou has not chosen silence.
A journalist and activist, he is now secretary of the international committee of the umbrella organization known as the “Panel of Democrats,” which in May 2024 gave birth to the “Malian government in exile,” a structure supported by the diaspora. Torn between loyalty to France and a deep-rooted attachment to his Tuareg people, he advocates for a federal Mali and the recognition of Sahelian identities. An encounter with a survivor who has become a keeper of memory and a beacon of hope for the future.
Interview
- Background and Exile: What does the creation of a government in exile mean to you, as a Tuareg and a Malian?
It is both an act of survival and a sense of responsibility. When you have seen your loved ones massacred by Wagner/Africa Corps mercenaries in northern Mali, remaining silent is no longer an option. The Malian government in exile is not a whim: it is a reminder that Mali can be reimagined.
We advocate for a federal Mali, where each region—the 19, plus the Bamako district—would become a federated state. This would guarantee the dignity and equality of all. If this path is rejected, then the independence of Azawad becomes a historical necessity.
- Family Context: You lost loved ones in the violence in Mali. How does this experience shape your political choices?
The personal pain I experienced forced me to transform grief into a fight. It’s not about revenge, but a quest for justice. Every death in the desert is a star that goes out. I don’t want our children to grow up in silence and fear.
My political choice is dictated by this memory: to give meaning to what we have lost, so that no other Tuareg, no other Malian, will ever experience the same tragedy.
- African Geopolitics: Faced with the rise of Russian and Chinese influence, what place remains for French influence in Africa?
France has lost a lot of ground in Africa because it hasn’t listened to the people. But Russia and China offer no better: they offer dependence in other forms. The only truly legitimate influence is that which respects the sovereignty of nations. France can still play a role if it stops treating Africans as political minors and agrees to support a federal, modern, and responsible Africa.
Furthermore, there is a deep connection between France and us. The Tuareg also identify with the French language and culture: it is a source of pride for us.
(This is in the context from the point of view of having a history with France.)
- Decolonialism & Pan-Africanism: Are we witnessing a shift among African elites toward a “decolonial” Pan-African vision?
Yes, but often in an opportunistic era. They brandish the Pan-Africanist rhetoric while allying themselves with foreign mercenaries. True Pan-Africanism is not about replacing one form of control with another that sows chaos, but about building a federal and united Africa. In my opinion, the future lies in the interplay between respecting local identities—like the Tuareg—and a continental vision of cooperation.
- Tuareg Issues: The Tuareg are scattered across five or six states—what difficulties does this pose?
It’s a permanent divide. We are a minority everywhere and a majority nowhere. This complicates our political representation, our access to education in our language, and our right to cross-border mobility. To be Tuareg is to be constantly suspected of separatism, when all we ask for is recognition and dignity.
- Tuareg Religion: Can you explain this Sufi/Maraboutic particularity?
Sufism has shaped our spirituality: a faith of tolerance and patience, turned towards the desert and inner silence. But today’s youth are more modern, more connected, and a tiny minority are drawn to more radical rhetoric. The challenge is to transmit this spiritual heritage without freezing it in time, opening it up to a more peaceful modernity.
- Kel Tamasheq Association: What is your priority with the Kel Tamasheq Association?
The three dimensions are inseparable: Tuareg citizenship, identity protection, and interethnic mediation. If we neglect one of these pillars, we open the door to conflict. My goal with Kel Tamasheq is to create a space for dialogue and respect where every Sahelian community can recognize itself.
- Vision for Aïr and Azawad: What realistic path do you see for the future of the Tuareg?
The realistic path is Malian federalism. But if Bamako continues to impose authoritarian centralism, the only remaining option will be independence. The Tuareg are not asking for the impossible: they want a just social contract. The choice is clear: a respectful federation, or an inevitable separation.
- Personal Role: How does your experience as a journalist and analyst inform your political action?
Journalism taught me rigor, listening skills, and the pursuit of truth. Writing, for its part, gave me the ability to transform suffering into a collective narrative.
Today, my role is both to bear witness and to give a political voice to the voiceless.
- Final Message: What appeal would you make to France and the democracies?
I would tell them: do not turn a blind eye to the plight of the Tuareg and the Sahelian minorities.
Support not military regimes, but the people. Invest in education, health, and culture. And above all, accept that the Sahel is not a periphery, but a beating heart of Africa.
- Azawad: Aren’t there still voices calling for an independent state?
Of course. Azawad is a memory and a dream that never die. Like Kurdistan for the Kurds, it is inscribed in our collective imagination.
But today, we are proposing first and foremost a federal solution, with direct and inclusive democracy, to resolve social inequalities and protect the Tuareg population in their territories.
If Bamako refuses, then yes, Azawad will once again become an active and legitimate demand.
- With Kel Tamasheq, you want to represent all the tribes. Can we imagine that cultural unity precedes political unity?
Exactly. Political unity without cultural unity is an empty shell. Kel Tamasheq first aims to rebuild the cultural and social fabric: language, memory, and nomadic solidarity. Once this foundation is solid, politics will follow.
It’s an original approach: building a desert citizenship that reconciles identity, solidarity, and modernity.
For Mohamed Ag Ahmedou, the future of the Tuareg lies not only in the sands of the Sahara, but also in the world’s ability to hear their voice. “Azawad is a dream that never dies,” he says.
But behind the dream, he outlines a simple requirement: a just social contract where every people finds its place.
Who are the Tuareg?
The Tuareg (Kel Tamasheq) are a Berber people of the central Sahara, known as the “Blue Men” because of the indigo veil, the tagelmust, which marks their identity. They may trace their origins to the Garamantes, a nomadic people of Fezzan mentioned by Herodotus in the 5th century BC.
In the 7th century AD, the pressure of Arab conquests pushed them south, where they settled permanently in areas such as the Aïr Mountains. According to tradition, they are descended from Tin Hinan, a legendary matriarch who founded the Tuareg lineages in the Hoggar Mountains between the 3rd and 5th centuries.
Today, spread across nearly 2.5 million square kilometers, the Tuareg live in five countries: Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria, and Libya.
Republished with permission of the author. In the interest of the international community especially those who are not francophones.
Azawad Support Group 21-02-26