Who are the holders of administrative numbers in Libya? Are they mercenaries? Are they illegal immigrants? Are they fourth-class citizens? Or forgotten citizens?
Are they expatriates without a country? Are they people deprived of life on earth? Are they children of madness?
This is the truth. These people, who do not belong anywhere, are part of Libya’s story that has been ignored, and their rights have been lost in the hands of those competing for power, leaving them marginalized and isolated from any real opportunities for life and dignity.
We need to recognize them and grant them their human rights, not simply classify them under labels that belittle their existence.
National Number Law No. (8) of 2014
General National Congress:
Having reviewed:
The Interim Constitutional Declaration issued on August 3, 2011, and its amendments.
The General National Congress’s Bylaws.
The State Financial System Law and Budget, Accounts, and Stores Regulations No. (36) of 1968.
Law No. (12) of 2010 regarding Labor Relations.
Law No. (7) of 2013 regarding the adoption of the 2013 General Budget and its amendments.
Conclusions of the General National Congress at its Ordinary Meeting No. (178) held on Sunday, March 23, 2014.
The following law was issued:
Article (1):
The National Number is a significant digital data entry for an individual’s data in the national database. It serves as a source of identification and verification of personal identity before all state institutions. No document or service may be granted by any state entity unless a National Number is obtained.
Article (2):
The official structure of the national number is a single 12-digit number, as follows:
The first digit: To determine the gender (1 for male, 2 for female).
Digits 2 through 5: To determine the citizen’s year of birth.
Digits 6 through 11: To determine the citizen’s number within the Gregorian calendar year.
Digit 12: To be used to verify the national number.
Article (3):
The national database contains:
National number.
Full name.
Mother’s name.
Date of birth.
Place of birth. This data is supplemented by biometric data such as:
Digital fingerprint.
Iris print.
Photograph.
Signature.
Article (4):
The national number is granted to a citizen from birth based on data from the civil registry at the Civil Status Authority, and is considered evidence that its holder is a Libyan citizen.
Article (5):
The national number shall be revoked if it was obtained illegally or if Libyan citizenship was lost.
Article (6):
All relevant authorities must use the national number in all records and documents pertaining to the individual.
Article (7):
All ministries, government agencies, and public companies are required to use the national number in the disbursement of salaries, bonuses, and administrative and financial procedures.
Article (8):
The granting of temporary national numbers is prohibited. Cases for which national numbers have not been issued must be processed in accordance with regulatory procedures approved by the Council of Ministers.
Article (9):
All cases for which national numbers have not been issued must be listed, and a timeframe for their resolution must be specified.
Article (10):
Anyone who violates the provisions of this law shall be punished by imprisonment for a period of no less than one year and a fine.
Article (11):
This law shall be effective from the date of its issuance and shall be published in the Official Gazette. Any provision that contravenes its provisions shall be repealed.
Quoted from the General National Congress on 23 Jumada Al-Awwal 1435 AH (corresponding to 24 March 2014 AD).
Azawad Freedom Voice 18-03-25
Africans” is a modern term that encompasses the continent’s population but does not reflect its ethnic and cultural diversity.
The association of Africa with dark skin is a neo-colonial concept, not a historical fact.
This approach reflects a critical vision for understanding the African continent through the concepts imposed during colonialism. Indeed, the term “African” does not reflect the great diversity of ethnic and cultural identities that characterize the continent. African identity is not limited to skin color or a single ethnic group, but rather encompasses a wide spectrum of languages, traditions, and intertwined histories.
Furthermore, associating Africa with dark skin is merely a product of the imposition of racial identities during colonialism, which ignores the wide diversity within African societies, including those with lighter skin or those of mixed ethnic backgrounds.
The truth is that “African” as a term expressing a modern continental identity was adopted in later periods of history, especially after colonialism. This term does not necessarily reflect the vast ethnic and cultural diversity that characterizes the continent’s peoples, from the Amazigh and Sahrawis, to the tribes of the Nile and Red Sea region, and even the various communities in West, Central, and Southern Africa.
Associating Africa with dark skin is also a modern colonial concept. In ancient times, Africa was a theater of ethnic and linguistic diversity, and peoples of diverse skin colors coexisted there, including those with light and medium skin. This distorted perception, which associates the continent with only a specific segment of humanity, overlooks the continent’s deep and complex history.
Specific Decisions Regarding the Granting of Libyan Citizenship to the Tuareg from 1986 until now.
These are specific decisions regarding the granting of citizenship to the Tuareg from 1986 until now. Decisions issued by the previous regime and previous governments have been issued without consideration for this segment.
-1. Letter from the Director of the General Directorate of Passports and Nationality No. 6/42243 dated April 6, 1986, regarding the settlement of the status of Tuareg residing in the Ubari region.
-2. General People’s Committee Decision No. (485) of 1986 regarding the regulations governing those returning from abroad.
-3 General People’s Committee Resolution No. (538) of 1987 amending the provisions of General People’s Committee Resolution No. (485) of 1986 regarding the regulations pertaining to those returning from abroad.
-4. Wadi Al-Hayat Municipality People’s Committee Decision No. (312) of 1988 regarding the formation of a committee to prove the Libyan origin of Tuareg returning from abroad.
-5. Wadi Al-Hayat Municipality People’s Committee Decision No. (370) of 1988 regarding the Libyan origin of Tuareg.
-6. Decision No. (15) of 1991 of the Sabha Municipality People’s Committee regarding the formation of a committee to study decisions related to regulating the granting of citizenship to returnees, especially those in emergency situations.
-7. Decision No. (599) of the General People’s Committee regarding the amendment of Decision No. (485) of 1986 regarding the regulations governing returnees from abroad.
-8 General People’s Committee for Public Security Resolution No. (11) of 2005 regarding the formation of a committee to enumerate and register emergency personnel in the records and grant them identity cards as Libyans.
-9 Civil Status Authority Resolution No. (359) of 2007 regarding the formation of a committee to begin the recruitment of emergency personnel registered through the Emergency Census and Registration Committee formed pursuant to General People’s Committee for Public Security Resolution No. (11) of 2005.
-10 General People’s Committee Resolution No. (70) of 1377 AH regarding the formation of a committee.
-11 General People’s Committee Decision No. (328) of 1377 AH (2009 AD) regarding granting citizenship to the Tuareg.
-12 General People’s Committee Decision No. (53) of 1379 AH (2011 AD) approving the granting of Libyan citizenship to our Tuareg brothers.
As a result of all this obstruction, God is sufficient for us, and He is the best Disposer of affairs. May God’s curse be upon them until the Day of Judgment for marginalizing the rightful owners.
In the absence of civil institutions, talk of “safe haven” becomes a meaningless slogan. True security does not come from the military alone, but from institutions that protect people’s rights, provide them with justice, and ensure development.
The military may be part of the equation, but they are not the only solution. Otherwise, how can we see countries that rely on civil institutions living in stability and prosperity? In the South, if there are no civil institutions, who will protect citizens’ rights?
Who will set laws that serve the people rather than the interests of a specific group? A stable future cannot be built without these institutions, otherwise we will continue to revolve in a cycle of chaos and dependence on military power.
Azawad Freedom Voice
18-03-25
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